Introduction
There is a saying, “Don’t speak it into being.” I had always thought this admonition silly, and even a little presumptuous. The very idea that an utterance could have the power to manifest something real on Earth seemed absurd and egocentric. It is an admonition that implies significant power in articulation. The articles by Michael Christie and Jenna Burrell, however, cast new light on the warning.
Christie and Burrell both conjure the concept of the power to speak something into being. The authors describe two cases in which marginalized societies engage with new technology in a manner that preserves the moral values, cultural identity, and means of knowledge production of the community. Though the technologies and communities differ, the cases demonstrate some generalizable models of how communities replicate power dynamics as they
1. encounter new technologies that disrupt existing societal notions of morality, opportunity, and aspiration;
2. adopt the new technologies; and then
3. shape the discourse on technologies to return to societal equilibrium.
In this brief paper, I focus on three aspects of the case studies proffered by Christie and Burrell that relate to the idea of speaking something into being: motivations for adoption of new technology, how power dynamics are propagated to preserve societal equilibrium, and the need for a material approach to understanding new technology. I conclude with a few questions for further consideration.

Motivations for adopting new technology in marginalized communities
The communities’ primary objectives for adopting new technologies are different, but related. The Yolngu elders want to build a database to ensure that their cultural identity and modes of knowledge transmission are not supplanted by emerging technology that appeals to younger generations. This is particularly compelling, as the Yolngu culture is based on a patrilineal discourse that is acquired as one reaches adulthood. This primary discourse based on land-oriented language emphasizes a connectedness that must be replicated somehow in a database to preserve cultural identity.
The youth in Accra want to engage in Internet networking to attain a better standard of living. At the same time, they are sensitive to cultural values and the way they are perceived. Their society values the ability to master use of the Internet. However, they experience a tension between this value and the questionable morality of the manner in which they attain financial gain using the Internet. Burrell explains several ways in which these young people justify their actions and distance themselves from undesirable representations through rumors about Internet crime. Marginalized groups (often the scapegoats for immoral behavior) also reframe their reputations to portray “an empowering narrative of self-sufficiency” (Burrell, 10).
The two communities want to make use of the opportunities afforded by new technologies. At the same time, they want to preserve their cultural identities and value systems. Maintaining societal equilibrium is essential to achieving these objectives.

Power dynamics and societal equilibrium
Both cases illustrate the desire to attain societal equilibrium after the introduction of a new technology. Christie explains how the Yolngu are open to the concept of a cultural database. However, since such a database cannot be theory-agnostic, it reflects “a particular politics of knowledge” that will distort the representation of Yolngu artifacts (Christie, 4). Similarly, the Accran Internet scammers want to take advantage of the apparent opportunity to profit from Internet networking. However, the assumption that such gains can be attained is the result of rumor-based knowledge that reflects the desire of Internet scammers to represent themselves as simultaneously effective and moral.
There is a general assumption that new technologies are objectively structured. However, any technological structure reflects political and technical influences that may not be apparent to the end user. The biases, worldviews, and ideas of how and why users will employ a technology recreate and amplify existing power dynamics. Therefore, hidden political agendas (intentional or not) of those who craft the bases of knowledge transmission change the epistemology of these societies. Such opacity creates a warped representation of both what contributors wish to pass on, and what users believe they are accessing. Not only are the politics of knowledge embedded in the technology, but the technology “somehow enacts it” (Christie, 4). For example, the Accran rumors of large financial gains attributed to Internet scamming change user perception of the Internet, which then changes the ways in which the technology is used. Rumors create a skewed perception of reality that gives power to the youth to craft their own narrative of their efficacy and morality by defining the role and opportunities of the Internet in a way that is commensurate with societal values.

Materiality and new technology
Christie discusses how “giving something…a name makes it locatable materially and conceptually” (Christie, 4). In other words, knowledge is structured by the names we give it. Both cases discussed demonstrate this concept. The idea of database engineers/designers creating the taxonomy for a Yolngu cultural knowledgebase immediately creates material and conceptual distortion. “Some things are more ‘charismatic’ than others, receiving more attention…leaving others less acknowledged” (Christie, 5), just as “rumors end up describing what is very unusual…the stories that compel retelling” (Burrell, 6). The inevitable imbalance of what is included versus what is excluded from a knowledgebase should be kept in mind as one evaluates not only the data/information provided by the system, but also the database itself.
The indigenous archival database can be assessed ontologically and materially by examining the infrastructure that categorizes digitized artifacts. In addition, if the database replicates the interconnectedness that is instrumental to Yolngu discourse, it will create spaces for the production of new knowledge, which can be considered material in that it effects change.
The Accran Internet rumors should be examined with similar scrutiny. “Words materialized in human speech can fill the gap between experience and expectation and can reconcile uncertainty” (Burrell, 15). In this case, the role of rumors is to mediate between the recipient’s experience and societal expectations for behavior. The decision whether to participate in Internet scamming is based on second-, third-, fourth-, etc.-hand information measured against the desire to conform to societal norms of behavior. The rumor that justifies immoral actions eliminates concerns about behaving in a manner contrary to societal expectations and paves the way for participation in a sort of self-help Robin Hooding.
If one were to think about the materiality of such rumors, however, the effects of the rumors (changing the way people use Internet technology, creating a means for stealing, etc.) are not inconsequential. In fact, they are material, persistent, and strong forces. Rumors are persistent across space and time. They require a physical action in their retelling. They influence behavior, both in terms of values-based decision making and the manner in which people interact with the world.

Conclusion
The power dynamics that shape knowledge systems affect societies’ ontologies and epistemologies. The cases described by Christie and Burrell highlight aspects of cultural groups that account for changes in patterns and behavior as responses to the societal disruption created by the introduction of new technologies. A technology is shaped by its users, and users are shaped by the technology, as well as the power dynamics embedded in them. Furthermore, a culture’s epistemology affects the ways in which its members engage with technology and how they characterize their behavior within the normative constraints of society. The ontological implications of these interactions include the ways in which a community thinks about its cultural identity and its value system. The epistemological implications include adapting to technological means for acquiring knowledge versus traditional practices, as well as bridging the gap between direct experience and knowledge.

Draft 2

Introduction
There is a saying, “Don’t speak it into being.” I had always thought this admonition silly, and even a little presumptuous. The very idea that an utterance could have the power to manifest something real on Earth seemed absurd and egocentric. It is an admonition that implies significant power in articulation. The articles by Michael Christie and Jenna Burrell, however, cast new light on the warning.
Christie and Burrell both conjure the concept of the power to speak something into being. The authors describe two cases in which marginalized societies engage with new technology in a manner that preserves the moral values, cultural identity, and means of knowledge production of the community. Though the technologies and communities differ, the cases demonstrate some generalizable models of how communities replicate power dynamics as they
1. encounter new technologies that disrupt existing societal notions of morality, opportunity, and aspiration;
2. adopt the new technologies; and then
3. shape the discourse on technologies to return to societal equilibrium.
In this brief paper, I focus on the ontological and epistemological implications arising from the introduction of new technologies that relate to the idea of speaking something into being. I conclude with an explanation of how power dynamics propagate to preserve societal equilibrium and a few questions for further consideration.

Ontological implications of new technologies in marginalized communities
In the cases studied by Burrell and Christie, the communities’ primary objectives for adopting new technologies are different, but related. The Yolngu elders want to build a database to ensure that their cultural identity and modes of knowledge transmission are not supplanted by emerging technology that appeals to younger generations. This is particularly compelling, as the Yolngu culture is based on a patrilineal discourse that is acquired as one reaches adulthood. This primary discourse based on land-oriented language emphasizes a connectedness that must be replicated somehow in a database to preserve cultural identity.
The youth in Accra want to engage in Internet networking to attain a better standard of living. At the same time, they are sensitive to cultural values and the way they are perceived. Their society values the ability to master use of the Internet. However, they experience a tension between this value and the questionable morality of the manner in which they attain financial gain using the Internet. Burrell explains several ways in which these young people justify their actions and distance themselves from undesirable representations through rumors about Internet crime.
The two communities want to make use of the opportunities afforded by new technologies. At the same time, they want to preserve their ontologies—the narratives by which community members form their identities—and their epistemologies—the manner in which knowledge is shared within the culture. Maintaining societal equilibrium is essential to achieving these objectives.

Epistemological implications of new technologies in marginalized communities
The indigenous database and Internet networking are rife with epistemological implications, as well. The mechanisms employed to impart knowledge are constructed and shaped by societal values and norms. The introduction of a new technology challenges a community’s epistemology. The Yolngu and Accran Internet scammer case studies illustrate concern over this challenge.
Yolngu identity is defined by patrilineal narratives performance and collaborative celebration of similarity and difference among tribes. Knowledge, however, is imparted linguistically over time. It would be reasonable to assume that there exists some anxiety among the elders of the Yolngu community that the creation of a database is a precarious undertaking because it will change the way future generations learn. It has the potential to disintegrate the traditional migration from speaking the language of one’s mother in childhood to learning and speaking the language of one’s father as an adult. Cristie notes that “control over these languages/discourses correlates closely with power” (Christie, 2).
Christie’s article deftly avoids the topic of gender roles and the introduction of new technology. However, it is worth noting that the disruption in societal equilibrium concomitant with the introduction of new technology may jeopardize the power dynamics that perpetuate gender inequalities, as well.
In Burrell’s article, epistemological implications are based in the role rumor plays in activating young adults to participate in Internet scamming. The societal expectation that the Internet will be used for acquisition of knowledge and ease of communication is subverted by the trust in rumors that one can make good by creating a global network of people who may aid in raising one’s standard of living. Rumors are epistemological, and those who create and perpetuate them wield significant power.
In this case, the role of rumors is to mediate between the recipient’s experience and societal expectations for behavior. The decision whether to participate in Internet scamming is based on second-, third-, fourth-, etc.-hand information measured against the desire to conform to societal norms of behavior. “Words materialized in human speech can fill the gap between experience and expectation and can reconcile uncertainty” (Burrell, 15). The rumor that justifies immoral actions eliminates concerns about behaving in a manner contrary to societal expectations and paves the way for participation in a sort of self-help Robin Hooding.

Power dynamics and societal equilibrium
Both cases illustrate the desire to attain societal equilibrium after the introduction of a new technology. Christie explains how the Yolngu are open to the concept of a cultural database. However, since such a database cannot be theory-agnostic, it reflects “a particular politics of knowledge” that will distort the representation of Yolngu artifacts (Christie, 4). Similarly, the Accran Internet scammers want to take advantage of the apparent opportunity to profit from Internet networking. However, the assumption that such gains can be attained is the result of rumor-based knowledge, which reflects the Internet scammers’ desire to represent themselves as simultaneously effective and moral.
There is a general assumption that new technologies are objectively structured. However, any technological structure reflects political and technical influences that may not be apparent to the end user. The biases, worldviews, and ideas of how and why users will employ a technology recreate and amplify existing power dynamics. Therefore, hidden political agendas (intentional or not) of those who craft the bases of knowledge transmission can change the epistemologies and ontologies of these societies. Such opacity creates a warped representation of both what contributors wish to pass on, and what users believe they are accessing. Not only are the politics of knowledge embedded in the technology, but also the technology “somehow enacts it” (Christie, 4). For example, the Accran rumors of large financial gains attributed to Internet scamming change user perception of the Internet, which then changes the ways in which the technology is used. Rumors create a skewed perception of reality that gives power to the youth to craft their own narrative of their efficacy and morality by defining the role and opportunities of the Internet in a way that is commensurate with societal values.
Christie discusses how “giving something…a name makes it locatable materially and conceptually” (Christie, 4). In other words, knowledge is framed by the names we give it. Both cases discussed demonstrate this concept. The idea of database engineers/designers creating the taxonomy for a Yolngu cultural knowledgebase immediately creates material and conceptual distortion. “Some things are more ‘charismatic’ than others, receiving more attention…leaving others less acknowledged” (Christie, 5), just as “rumors end up describing what is very unusual…the stories that compel retelling” (Burrell, 6). The inevitable imbalance of what is included versus what is excluded from a knowledgebase should be kept in mind as one evaluates not only the data/information provided by the system, but also the database itself.

Conclusion
The introduction of new technology into the communities explored in both case has both promising and concerning possibilities. For example, if the cultural database replicates the interconnectedness that is instrumental to Yolngu discourse, it will create spaces for the production of new knowledge, while preserving the key elements of the ontology and epistemology of the community. In contrast, the ability to create a powerful knowledge source that is not based on fact and justifies immoral action has not only changed the way people use Internet technology and created a means for bilking people, but also reshaped the ontology and epistemology that previously reflected the value system of the society.
Both cases should be scrutinized materially, for their effects are not limited to the ontological and epistemological boundaries of these communities.
The effects of the Accran rumors are material, persistent, and strong forces. They influence behavior, both in terms of values-based decision making and the manner in which people interact with the world.
The power dynamics that shape knowledge systems affect societies’ ontologies and epistemologies. The cases described by Christie and Burrell highlight aspects of cultural groups that account for changes in patterns and behavior as responses to the societal disruption created by the introduction of new technologies. A technology is shaped by its users, and its users are shaped by the technology, as well as the power dynamics embedded in them. Furthermore, a culture’s epistemology affects the ways in which its members engage with technology and how they characterize their behavior within the normative constraints of society. The ontological implications of these interactions include the ways in which a community thinks about its cultural identity and its value system. The epistemological implications include adapting to technological means for acquiring knowledge versus traditional practices, as well as bridging the gap between direct experience and knowledge.
Both cases embody the essence of the admonishment “Don’t speak it into being.” Giving something a name instantiates the utterance; control over naming and its perpetuation creates power. The performed narratives of patrilineal discourse and land/language-based identity reinforce cultural power dynamics, just as rumor as mediation between opposing values empowers questionable knowledge. When new technology is introduced, it is wise to reflect on the role of speech and its persistent power. Caution is warranted.